El Discurso de la Informacion. La Construccion del Espejo Social. Barcelona: Gedisa. Charaudeau, Patrick. “Des categories pour l’humor?” Questions de . Charaudeau, Patrick. El discurso de la información, la construcción del espejo social. Traducción de Margarita Mizraji. Barcelona: Editorial Gedisa. Charaudeau, Patrick. El Discurso de la Informacion. La construccion del discurso social. Barcelona: Editorial Gedisa. Clayman, Steven and I. Heritage.
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Benedetti states that someone will not fail to lw how we can have the time and the willingness to sing, paint or dance; he points out that these expressions produce an aesthetic discueso, interpellate in another way, bring us affectively closer, build a community: He views these artistic products as open windows from where it is possible to see other things: In this essay I will call it political graphic art, considering it a part of political discourse, as a structured set of signs with specific signifying codes and communication strategies, determined by their particular modes of production and circulation.
I will begin with a characterization of political graphic art in the context of social mobilizations. Without attempting a precise description of all of its formal aspects, and avoiding any reference to particular sets or contexts, it is nonetheless necessary to state some of its features, in order to establish the object of my considerations.
El discurso de la informaciÃ³n mediÃ¡tica: Patrick Charaudeau: : Books
Every social mobilization, particularly since the student movement ingoes hand in hand with an emerging graphic art production raising from the socio-political conjuncture. These products are made with diverse techniques and supports, mainly linoleum, serigraph, stencils, offset, banners, graffiti and stickers. Their mode of production is evident, and it is by itself one of the elements to appreciate.
Their main purpose is to produce a sensory, affective and reflexive motivation in the audience; an audience which is sought for, found, and produced in the context of their circulation. Their circulation is varied as well: This is important, because these images are made to be seen in movement, even if afterwards they remain outside the space-time frame of the demonstration. This feature defines in most cases the creative elements that are brought into play in their production.
We could say that their main purpose can adopt any of the following three forms, intermingled or separated according to a specific goal: This particular graphic art production informaion itself outside the logic of the market and of the institutional sphere, charuadeau if it pattick sometimes produced within institutions that have been turned into bases for the movement, as was the case inwhen visual arts schools were turned into large printing workshops at the service of the student movement.
But the producers are not reduced to being art professionals, although some of them indeed are: They are usually graphic art production groups patrivk assume the collective dimension as a need, and establish their work dynamics under this guise: The most significant example in Mexico of a set of graphic art with these features is the one produced in Without delving into it, let us mention that it achieved the goals and functions set for it by the student movement, and also transcended its historical moment, becoming the most important referent for contemporary political graphic art, in its double testimonial role: I believe all similar artistic production draws from this experience as well.
This brief characterization should suffice to place the political graphic art that I will use as a referent for my following considerations.
Roque posits a series of ideas arising from an analysis of the graphic art of 68, to explain and elucidate its argumentative force. To begin with, we must view argumentation as a way of organizing discourse, aiming at describing the why and how of the phenomena of the world.
Whoever engages in argumentation effects a cognitive activity: He also points out that the visual force of a political image resides on the visual treatment of the graphic space, in terms of composition and the ordering of its constituent elements. There is a visual language that requires enunciation strategies, in order to gain in clarity and power, while reigning in the polysemy of images.
To this end, it deploys linguistic-iconic rhetoric, and rhetorical figures such as antithesis, where the image the subject of the statement has an affirmative function, while the accompanying text the subject of enunciation introduces negation so as to provoke a tension between the iconic and the linguistic realms.
This is a common format to this kind of expression: There are several other resources, such as parody, to produce counter-symbols and counter-propaganda, taking symbols from the opposing discourse and re-signifying them. The conflict is situated amidst the graphic objects which require the construction of linguistic-iconic images, always striving for the status of a symbol, even if they not always achieve it, in spite of the search for message-simplification and synthetic capabilities.
It is not just a matter of considering the enunciation conditions and generating, or taking advantage of, a specific communication situation, but rather of considering the circulation and distribution conditions as well, aiming at effecting a symbolic occupation of public space, built by the social links established among a concrete community.
These could be the markers of a contested territory in current struggles and conflicts. A public space of assumptions and identifications, a stage and a context for a public art where awareness of the other is ever present. This is apposite here because therein lies the aesthetic-political objective of this graphic art.
There is a communicating subject: The object of our present considerations, the political as a social relation with the other, is furrowed by relations of symbolic forces.
It is in itself an emotional expression, integrating conviction with the intent to persuade the other; rather than demonstrating, the aim is to incite thought and, hopefully, this process will lead on to political action. There is an aspiration to legitimacy and consensus-building. This demands discoursive strategies for the different communicational contexts at play, where one of the strategies distinguished by Charaudeau 9 will prevail: An ethical consideration should be added to this, since this posits a moral choice in a specific situation or conjuncture, which involves taking position, leading to concrete action.
Discurso de la información by Xime Coronado Otavalo on Prezi
In this sense, there is an express manifestation of values, such as indignation before injustice; solidarity; or the demand for human rights to be respected, to mention just a few. Even slogans, written or shouted, have an argumentative function, since they contain an emotional and passionate reason, they generate a sense of belonging and an effective means of expression, when they are viewed as a collective cry that ought to be heard.
The frame of action where the discourse we are considering here is inscribed, implies social identities in conflict with others, as well as specific roles for the partners involved in this social and communicational exchange. There is not only an enunciative stance in a specific communication situation or context spatially, temporally, socially and historically determinedbut a political stance as well, which involves a determinate exercise of power. The purpose of political graphic art as part of a broader political discourse, with diverse forms of expression, is always interactional and it always aims at producing an effect.
Discourse is always produced in a communication situation, and its aim is determined by this very situation. This is the natural and immediate community of political graphic art, in terms of structured situations for action: However, we must also consider that some of the objects of this political discourse outstrip the communication situation for which they were created, circulating in other environments, reproducing themselves through different supports which endow them with other meanings.
Lastly, I think political discourse, the object of these considerations, resides in the civil sphere because of its place of production and circulation. Political graphic art constitutes a discourse of demands, denunciation or protest, which interpellates the government and the State with its multiple institutions.
The enunciating subject and the communicator express the collective interests and longings of a constructed community; graphic producers materialize them, objectify them.
Therein lies the legitimacy of this collective and communal dimension, gathered in by symbolic bonds in terms of a shared social ideality.
In my view, this is what Charaudeau alludes to when he discusses sovereignty.
Charaudeau, coinciding with Bourdieu, who alludes to specific social context, states that the argumentative value of a discoursive act cannot be judged without considering the conditions in which it was produced, outside its communication situation.
In this sense, I think we are talking here not just of discourse and argumentation, but of poetics in its simplest definition: Its argumentative dimension highlights the reasoning logics that effect particular stances.
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Political graphic art is linked to, and articulated with, a collective order aiming towards a political demarcation, not merely a particular rhetoric and argumentation. It is rooted in historical time, the time of concrete social relations.
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